Three Western Cities: London
By Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

Unlike the modern day London , this city was never one of the great Roman cities of the Western Empire .  London grew up on the bank of the Thames River at an important crossing point.  It was founded after the invasion of Britain in AD 43, and soon after became the capital of the province. The city was later surrounded by a wall approximately 6800 feet in length, and opening to at least seven main roads at the following: Aldgate, Bishopgate, Aldergate, Newgate, and Ludgate.  There were also two gates in a square Roman fort located in the right quadrant of the city.  The road into the city from across the Thames came from the South, one of the Main Seaports  ( Dover ) which was the arrival and departure point from the European Continent for London .  The road runs from Dubris (Dover), across the Little and Great Stour Rivers, across the River Medway, through Durovernum (Canterbury), Durobtivae (Rochester), across the rivers Darent, Cray, and Deptford Creek, before crossing the Thames at Thorney Island to Londinium (London).  This thoroughfare is today known as the "Route of Watling Street."

In following decades after the city had grown it was furnished with a Forum and a Basilica, a Governor's Palace, and in the early 2nd century, an amphitheatre.  The city walls were constructed in about 190 AD to 200 AD and were completed by the riverside defenses in the late 3rd or 4^th centuries.

There is evidence that in the early 2nd century the city suffered a sharp decline in population, even though it still remained a centre of government until the collapse of Roman rule in the 5th century.  Today there are 42 sites of mosaic remnants to attest to the love of that Roman decoration.  Four bathhouses have been located, three near the riverside on the Thames and one towards the middle of the city.  A Mithraeum Temple is located at almost the center of the city near the banks of a small river passing through the Londinium.  The Basillica and the Forum are found at the end of Watling Street (see above)..  Three wharves have been located along the riverside East of the Main Bridge . The Governors Palace was built next to the 1st century waterfront, just to the East of the small 1st Century harbor..  The 3rd and fourth century waterfront is found 50-100 yds toward the center of the river, with the modern waterfront approximately two hundred yards closer still. An extensive Cemetery area has been located outside of Bishops Gate, Aldgate, and Newgate.  A much smaller cemetery area is located outside of Ludgate.

There was a particularly lovely mosaic floor discovered in 1869 (one of the 42 previously mentioned), close to the Mansion House in the City of London .  It dates from the third century AD, and it's quality and sophistication shows the continuing importance of London in the later Roman period, even though by then the city was in a period of decline as an urban center. 

Several authors have provided authoritative works on London ,  Some of those being Ralph Merrifield 1965, complemented by Professor Grimes detailed work in 1968, and finally some of the new work in this area in Marsden (1980) and Merrifield in (1983),  See the Reference List at the bottom of the article.

The models that are proposed by these three authors all support a development picture of Londinium which follows:

The city was founded in AD 50, and was devastated by the Boudican revolt, in AD 60 , recovered and expanded in the late first century.  By AD 130 a fire had destroyed much of the City, but it was rebuilt, and the landward defensive wall was added in AD 200.  By that time the city had begun to contract and in spite of an early third century revival, the fourth century saw a further decline.  Both Marsden and Merrifield agree that trade was a vital component in the life of London .

Against the broad background of the city a new work now surfaces which takes in a detailed view the major advances of the London waterfront, together with the assessment of the size of London's "commercial zone" , and reaches the conclusion that while the City was not the most important port in Britain, it clearly played an important part in the distributive  net work of it's province..

This work is:

Miller, Louise et al, "The Roman Quay at St. Magnus House, London; Excavations at New Fresh Wharf, Lower Thames St., London 1974-78," Ed, Tony Dyson, Special Paper No. 8of the London and Middlesex Archaelogical Society, 1986

--The Discoveries at St. Magnus House

To begin with there is no direct evidence that there was a settlement on this ground before the Roman presence.  The Romans built a series of connecting causeways through the boggy ground on the South side of the Thames , and then constructed a bridge to the most Eastern of two hills on which they built Londinium..  It is to be supposed that the forerunner of the City was the military camp which was built in AD 43, and was expanded into a fortified fortress.

On the steep southern slope of the Eastern hill along the Thames shoreline, were found the remains of prestigious port buildings and timber quays of this early period of London .  Later outlying areas of the city provide evidence of a sharp reduction in size, with deliberate dismantling of buildings and covering the ground with a layer of dark soil not native to the area.  This sudden reduction can easily be explained by a possible imported disease epidemic brought in through the port.  However the historic reason is simply not known at this time. Some of the efforts conducted as a result of these findings are:

--a model of the wharf area along the lower Thames Riverside as determined by the shore excavations,

-- a reconstruction of the timber bridge built across the Thames River as determined by remains found beneath the mud in the bottom of the river.

Also found in these excavations were both imported and locally made pottery, which was commonly found in London .  Examples include a jar from the Highgate Woods kilns, a flagon from Brockley Hill, a beaker from Cologne , Germany , and a mortar with a lion head spout from Lezoux , France .

A further item of evidence was a statuette found in London in 1889.  It appears to be the statue of a male adult.  It is a white carrara marble statue called a "genius", with two garland's around it's neck.  The left hand holds a cornucopia and behind him is the prow of a ship, attributes which collectively symbolize wealth gained from waterborne trade.  The statue pours a libation onto a flaming altar while a snake, symbol of prosperity and happiness in the afterlife, grasps the wrist.  The statue is partially clothed in a toga-like garment covering one arm and the legs up to just below the waist.  The statue is barefoot.  Perhaps evidence of a merchant's shine in Londinium????   

________________
References:

--Scarre, Chis, "Historical Atlas of Ancient Rome " Penguin Books, 1995, Page 57;
--Merrifield, R, "The Roman City of London ," 1965;
--Merrifield R., " London : City of the Romans," 1983;
--Merrifield, R, and Sheldon H. , " Roman London Bridge ": a view from both banks, "Lond. Arch."., 2 No. *, pp 183-191;
--Grimes W. F., The Excavation of Roman and Medieval London , 1968;
--Marsdon P., "Roman London," 1980;
--Miller .L. et al,"The Roman Quay at St. Magnus House, London; Excavations at New Fresh Wharf, Lower Thames St, London 1974-78," Ed. Tony Dysn, Special Paper No. 8 of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, 1986

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Daily March of a Roman Army of Four Legions
By Quintus Sertorius

The following is an article on the daily march of a Roman Army of four Legions. There was surely no standard distance between camps. Ten miles is used for this article. Estimates are that it took 3 hours to complete the fortifications around the camp. Work on fortifications did not begin until the first of the regular legionary forces arrive. Estimated March cadence is established as a regular march cadence, was 100 paces per minute; the quick march cadence was 120 paces per minute. At that rate it would take each unit a little over 3 1/2 hours to complete the ten miles between camps.  Because of the length of the column, it would take approximately 9 hours from the time the first units left camp until the last of the rearguard arrived at the new camp. In the first half hour, when the scouts are about a mile and a half out, the vanguard would leave the camp. On each flank the two alae would leave at the same time as the scouts.  One ala would cover about 800 yards to either side of the march.  The other ala probably patrolled the space between the scouts and the old camp to ensure that there was no infiltration once the lead ala had passed. After an hour the survey and pioneer units would leave the old camp, the general staff and officers prepare to leave. One and a half hour after the first units leaves the first of the main body of legionaries leaves camp. Two and a half hours after the first unit starts it's march the last of the legionaries leave camp. At this time the head of the column would be half way to the new campsite and the first units of the baggage train would leave the old camp. When the head of the column is about an hour from the new campsite, advance riders would be dispatched forward to identify a suitable campsite and begin checking out the area. Three hours into the march the scouts would be within a few miles of the new campsite, and the advance riders would have selected the new location. Some scouts would return to the column with the information, while others stayed to watch the site and scout for potential dangers.  The legions are not yet at the halfway point and much of the baggage train is still inside the old camp. After three and a half hours march, the army would be at its most vulnerable point.   The legionaries are half way to the new camp but the lead units have not yet reached the site to begin its preparation. The army has no quick access to a safe haven. And the lengthy baggage train is almost fully exposed to attack along it's 5-mile extent. After four hours the scouts arrive at the new campsite and begin to secure the area and the vanguard begins to arrive at the new site. Four and a half hours into the march the vanguard throws up a protective screen around the new campsite. The survey unit arrives and begins to lay out the walls and streets. Five hours after starting out, the general, officers and the first of the legions arrive. The survey unit completes camp layout. At five and a half hours, with the arrival of the legions, camp fortification begins.  At six hours camp fortifications continue to progress.  During this time period the first elements of the baggage train begin to arrive at the campsite and servants would begin to set up tents within the camp. Six and a half hours into the march the fortifications are 1/3 completed.  At seven hours the fortifications are half completed. Most of the tents would be in the camp by this time, many of them set up already.  The heavy baggage of the army would just be arriving and would be directed to the center of the camp. At seven and a half hours much of the baggage train would be unloaded and the pack mules put out to graze. At eight hours the fortifications are nearly completed, most of the baggage train is within the camp; nearly all of the tents have been put up. Eight and a half hours after the march starts the camp fortifications are completed just as the end of the baggage train arrives in camp. The rearguard approaches. At nine hours the rearguard is safely inside the camp walls. The vanguard legion, which has been deployed in a defensive position around the camp, is called inside the walls.  The army is secure. During the summer campaign months when days are long the army could be on the move for about 12 hours per day.  In other seasons it would be much more difficult to maintain a 10 mile average. The day's march illustrated above is for an army 15 miles long   and takes about 9 hours.  A 22-mile long army would take nearly 12 hours to complete its march.  Any larger army would have to shorten the distance between camps to complete the journey in a 12-hour period. In summer months the army would be up and moving by 6am.  This would allow them to complete the day's march at about 3pm in the afternoon, leaving a good portion of the day for the other tasks that would still need to be done -- caring for the pack animals, repairing equipment, cooking meals, scouting the area, foraging for food, firewood, restocking water supplies, drill and relaxation. There are a number of questions concerning the numbers of men in and associated with the army, the arrangements for the transport of their baggage and the types and quantities of supplies the army would have needed. It also makes one aware of the careful organization that was required to sustain an army of even 4 legions in the field, especially in hostile environments. An elaborate support and supply structure the army would have been required.  There was an almost constant flow of supplies from rear areas to the army.  Caesar, for example, demanded extensive supply support from the friendly or conquered Gallic tribes. Except when in hostile territory, most of the armies would have had an accompaniment of merchants, traders and women tagging along at the tail end of the column and camping just outside the walls of the camp.

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Roman camp at Masala

Legio I Germanica
http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/i_germanica.html by Jona Lendering

This legion was probably founded in 48 BCE by Julius Caesar, who needed it in his war against his fellow-triumvir and rival Pompey. It saw its first action at Dyrrhachium (Spring 48) and Pharsalus (August 48).

After 41, it was in the army of Octavian (the later emperor Augustus) and was active in the war against Sextus Pompeius. Between 30 and c.16 BCE, it served in Hispania Tarraconensis, where it took part in Augustus' campaigns against the Cantabrians, which lasted from 25-13 BCE. This was a very large war: among the other troops involved were II Augusta, IIII Macedonica, V Alaudae, VI Victrix, VIIII Hispana, X Gemina, XX Valeria Victrix, and another legion, perhaps VIII Augusta.

Later, it was moved to the Rhine frontier, where it played a role during the campaigns of Augustus' stepson Drusus in Germania . The presence of soldiers at Nijmegen can be deduced from graffiti. In the summer of 6 CE, his brother Tiberius was to lead at least eight legions (VIII Augusta from Pannonia, XIII Gemina, XIV Gemina, XV Apollinaris and XX Valeria Victrix from Illyricum, XXI Rapax from Raetia, and XVI Gallica from Germania Superior and an unknown unit) against king Marbod of the Marcomanni in Czechia; at the same time, I Germanica, V Alaudae, XVII, XVIII and XIX were to move against Czechia as well, attacking it along the Elbe. It was to be the most grandiose operation that was ever conducted by a Roman army, but a rebellion in Pannonia obstructed its execution.

After the battle in the Teutoburg Forest (September 9), its commander Lucius Nonius Asprenas used the First legion Germanica and the Fifth legion Alaudae to occupy the fortresses of Germania Inferior and prevent a Germanic raid on Belgica. After this, I Germanica was stationed in Cologne , the capital of Germania Inferior. It is possible that the legion was called Augusta but deprived of this title in 19. Before 28, it was moved to Bonn .

In 21, a mixed subunit of XX Valeria Victrix and XXI Rapax, commanded by an officer from I Germanica, was sent out to suppress the rebellion of the Turoni in Gaul , who had revolted against the heavy Roman taxation under a nobleman named Julius Sacrovir and Julius Florus.

In 67, the position of the emperor Nero became untenable: many senators were discontent and several governors discussed his removal. Among these were Lucius Clodius Macer of Africa (who recruited the I Macriana Liberatrix) and Caius Julius Vindex of one of the provinces in Gaul , who supported the governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, Servius Sulpicius Galba, when he proclaimed that he wanted to dethrone Nero.

This was treason, and the army of Germania Inferior (I Germanica, V Alaudae, XV Primigenia and XVI Gallica) knew what it had to do: it marched to the south and defeated Caius Julius Vindex. The soldiers expected to be rewarded, but were disappointed: Galba and a newly recruited Seventh legion marched on Rome , the Senate recognized him, and Nero committed suicide (June 68). What had been examplary behavior, was now explained as an attempt to obstruct the accession of the new emperor.

Therefore, the army of Germania Inferior acclaimed their own commander, Vitellius, as emperor, and marched on Rome (January 69). The commander of I Germanica, Fabius Valens, played an important role. They were successful, and Vitellius started his reign. However, in the east, general Vespasian had also decided to make a bid for power; the two armies clashed near Cremona in northern Italy , and the Rhine army turned out to be no match for the soldiers of Vespasian.

Meanwhile, in Germania Inferior, a disaster was in the making. The Batavians felt offended because Galba had dismissed his Batavian bodyguard, and revolted. A Roman expeditionary force, consisting of the remains of V Alaudae and XV Primigenia, was defeated near Nijmegen , and not much later, these two legions found themselves besieged at Xanten. Although I Germanica (commanded by Herennisu Gallus), XVI Gallica and a legion from Germania Superior, XXII Primigenia, tried to rescue them, the two legions at Xanten were forced to surrender in March 70. Not much later, I Germanica and XVI Gallica surrendered as well.

It took several months before the new emperor Vespasian could send a strong Roman army to recover the Rhineland and suppress the Batavian revolt, commanded by his relative Quintus Petillius Cerialis. The legions V Alaudae and XV Primigenia were never reconstituted; XVI Gallica and IIII Macedonica, which had guarded Mainz , were renamed (XVI Flavia Firma andIIII Flavia Felix); the remains of I Germanica were added with Galba's seventh and became known as VII Gemina ('the twin legion').

The emblem of the first legion is not known, but since it was a Caesarian unit, the badge may have been a bull.

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The Batavian Revolt: Part III
by Jona Lendering
http://www.livius.org/ba-bd/batavians/revolt01.html

The Fall of Xanten

As we have seen in the preceding article, the murder of the Roman general Marcus Hordeonius Flaccus gave new courage to the rebels. The Treviran and Lingonian auxiliary units revolted and Julius Civilis renewed the siege of Xanten. The demoralized legions I Germanica and XVI Gallica surrendered to the Gallic empire of the Trevirans and Lingones. After the disintegration of the Roman army north of Mainz , the two besieged legions at Xanten, V Alaudae and XV Primigenia, were lost. In March 70, their commander Munius Lupercus capitulated.

The besieged were torn between heroism and degradation by the conflicting claims of loyalty and hunger. While they hesitated, all normal and emergency rations gave out. They had by now consumed the mules, horses and other animals which a desperate plight compels men to use as food, however unclean and revolting. Finally they were reduced to tearing up shrubs, roots and the blades of grass growing between the stones - a striking lesson in the meaning of privation and endurance.

But at long last they spoiled their splendid record by a dishonorable conclusion, sending envoys to Civilis to plead for life - not that the request was entertained until they had taken an oath of allegiance to the Gallic empire. Then Civilis, after stipulating that he should dispose of the camp as plunder, appointed overseers to see that the money, sutlers and baggage were left behind, and to marshal the departing garrison as it marched out, destitute. About 8 kilometers from Xanten, the Germans ambushed the unsuspecting column of men. The toughest fighters fell in their tracks, and many others in scattered flight, while the rest made good their retreat to the camp.

It is true that Civilis protested, and loudly blamed the Germans for what he described as a criminal breach of faith. But our sources do not make it clear whether this was mere hypocrisy or whether Civilis was really incapable of restraining his ferocious allies. After plundering the camp, they tossed firebrands into it, and all those who had survived the battle perished in the flames.

After his first military action against the Romans, Civilis had sworn an oath, like the primitive savage he was, to dye his hair red and let it grow until such time as he had annihilated the legions. Now that the vow was fulfilled, he shaved off his long beard. He was also alleged to have handed some of the prisoners over to his small son to serve as targets for the child's arrows and spears. [...]

The legionary commander Munius Lupercus was sent along with other presents to Veleda, an unmarried woman who enjoyed wide influence over the tribe of the Bructeri. The Germans traditionally regard many of the female sex as prophetic, and indeed, by an excess of superstition, as divine. This was a case in point. Veleda's prestige stood high, for she had foretold the German successes and the extermination of the legions. But Lupercus was put to death before he reached her.

[Tacitus, Histories 4.60-61; tr. Kenneth Wellesley]

After this success, Julius Civilis and his Treviran ally Julius Classicus moved to Cologne , which lay now unguarded. The city was not plundered, because Civilis owed something to Cologne : his son had been kept alive by its inhabitants when the Romans had demanded his execution. Instead, it became Civilis' headquarters. Coins were minted that commemorated the destruction of V Alaudae and XV Primigenia.

By now, the Batavians were the most important tribe in the northwest of Europe , especially since the emperor of the Gallic empire had disappeared. In the next months, the Batavians would try to subdue the romanized tribes of northern Gaul . Several Germanic tribes from across the Rhine were invited to take a share in the fighting, and gladly responded to the invitation to join the looting of Gallia Belgica.

Julius Civilis had a personal reason for this policy. Claudius Labeo, the former commander of the Batavian cavalry unit that had decided a battle in favor of Civilis but had been rewarded with an exile in Frisia (above), had made his escape. He had been able to reach general Caius Dillius Vocula, who had helped him to form a small army that attacked the Batavian and Cananefatian homelands from the south. Civilis hated Labeo, and knew that the Batavians at home wanted an end to this guerilla war. The two armies met near the bridge of Trajectum ad Mosam, Maastricht .

Civilis found his advance blocked by the resistance of Claudius Labeo and his irregular body of Baetasii, Tungrians and Nervians. Labeo relied on his position astride a bridge over the river Maas which he had seized in the nick of time. The battle fought in this confined space gave neither side the advantage until the Batavians swam the river and took Labeo in the rear. At the same moment, greatly daring or by prior arrangement, Civilis rode up to the Tungrian lines and exclaimed loudly: 'We have not declared war to allow the Batavians and Trevirans to lord it over their fellow-tribes. We have no such pretensions. Let us be allies. I am coming over to your side, whether you want me as leader or follower.' This made a great impression on the ordinary soldiers and they were in the act of sheathing their swords when two of the Tungrian nobles, Campanus and Juvenalis, offered him the surrender of the tribe as a whole. Labeo got away before he could be rounded up. Civilis took the Baetasii and Nervians into his service too and added them to his own forces. He was now in a strong position, as the communities were demoralized, or else felt tempted to take his side of their own free will.

[Tacitus, Histories 4.66; tr. Kenneth Wellesley]

The Latin words that have been translated here as 'in this confined space' (in angustiis), literally mean 'in the mountain passes'. This is nonsense, because the Bemelerberg east of Maastricht is a charming hill, not a mountain. (It is not a confined space either.) However, Tacitus plays a trick. From a Roman point of view, the Batavians were living on the edges of the earth, which consisted of forests and mountains. By mentioning mountain passes, he reminded the reader of the nature of the country, which could, in Roman thought, only produce courageous savages.

After the battle of Maastricht , Julius Civilis moved to Atuatuca, modern Tongeren. Its inhabitants tried to prevent the destruction of their town by building a large wall, but in vain: Tongeren was sacked. After this, the support of the Tungrians, which Civilis had just gained, must have been less enthusiastic.

The Empire Strikes Back

In the Spring of 70, Julius Civilis was at the zenith of his power. Frisians, Cananefates, the Cugerni of Xanten, the Ubians of Cologne, at least some of the Tungrians of Tongeren, and the Nervians all recognized the superiority of the Batavians, and in the south, the Lingones and Trevirans were fighting against Rome as well. However, since Civilis had attacked Xanten, it was certain that the Romans would sent a large army to the north.

Its commander was an old war horse named Quintus Petillius Cerialis, not only a relative of the new emperor Vespasian, but also his companion in the British wars, where he must have met Julius Civilis as well.

The expeditionary force consisted of the victorious Eighth legion Augusta, the Eleventh Claudia and Thirteenth Gemina, the Twenty-first Rapax (which had been one of those supporting Vitellius), and, of the recently recruited legions, the Second Adiutrix. These were led across the Alps by the Great St Bernard and Mont Genevre passes, though part of the army took the Little St Bernard. The Fourteenth legion Gemina was summoned from Britain , and the Sixth Victrix and First Adiutrix from Spain .

[Tacitus, Histories 4.68; tr. Kenneth Wellesley]

Not all these legions saw action. The Eighth merely went from Italy to Strasbourg , where several units may already have been guarding a strategic crossing point of the Rhine . The Eleventh was left behind in Vindonissa (modern Windisch) in Germania Superior. The British and the two Spanish legions first had to pacify parts of Gaul .

So, the army of Cerialis in fact consisted of only three legions, II Adiutrix, XIII Gemina, and XXI Rapax. Nonetheless, it was a powerful army that inspired fear. The army of Civilis' ally Julius Tutor (above) disintegrated even before Cerialis arrived: the former legionaries in Tutor's service returned to their original allegiance, and the soldiers of the two legions that had capitulated, I Germanica and XVI Gallica, did the same.ÿSeeing his enemy collapse in front of him, Cerialis advanced to Mainz, where he found the legions IIII Macedonica and XXII Primigenia (May 70).

The first Roman target was Trier , which dominated an important road from the Mediterranean to the Rhine . Three armies were threatening the capital of the Trevirans: the two legions that had returned to the Roman side; the Sixth legion Victrix and the First Adiutrix from Spain ; and Cerialis' XXI Rapax from the east. Since Julius Civilis was still chasing the guerilla warriors of Claudius Labeo, the Trevirans had to bear the brunt of the battle all alone. They tried to obstruct the latter's advance near a town called Rigodulum (modern Riol), but were decisively defeated. Next day, Cerialis entered Trier . Here, he encountered the legionaries of I Germanica and XVI Gallica. Cerialis was kind towards them, and showed clemency towards the Trevirans and Lingones, punishing only those who were really guilty of treason.

From this moment on, the Romans were not only superior in tactics, discipline, and experience, but also in numbers. However, their armies had not united yet, and this offered an opportunity to Julius Civilis and his allies Julius Tutor and Julius Classicus. They decided to destroy the army at Trier during a nightly surprise attack. It may have been the moonless night of June 7/8, but this is far from certain. The Romans were indeed surprised and their enemies were able to penetrate the camp, but ultimately the three legions were able to expel the rebels. In fact, this was the decisive battle of the war: from now on, Cerialis could start to reconstruct the Rhine border -the four legions at Mainz may already have made a start- and mop up the last resistance.

News arrived that Cologne had liberated itself. Civilis wanted to suppress this rebellion, but found that the unit of Frisians and Chauci that he wanted to use, was murdered by the inhabitants of Cologne . Even worse, Cerialis' three legions -and perhaps units from the army at Mainz- advanced to the north at top speed. This forced the Batavian leader to return to the north, especially since he knew that the Fourteenth legion Gemina had boarded its ships in Britain and was on its way to the Continent. Civilis was afraid that they might land on the sandy coast of what is now Holland , and hurried back to the Island of the Batavians.

Here, he heard of one of the last successes of his men: the Cananefates had destroyedÿ a part of the Roman navy. However, it was too late: the Fourteenth legion already landed at Boulogne and was marching through Belgica to Cologne .

The theater of war was now narrowed to Germania Inferior on the Lower Rhine , and for the time being, the Romans were content with it. The invasion of the Island of the Batavians, the Betuwe, had no priority. Pacification of the reconquered territories and strengthening the border along the Rhine - these were the things that really mattered.ÿHowever, Civilis gathered an army and occupied Xanten. His forces were too strong to ignore, and Cerialis advanced against it with XXI Rapax, II Adiutrix, and the newly arrived VI Victrix, and XIV Gemina.

Neither commander was a sluggard, but they were separated by a vast expanse of swampy ground. This was its natural state, and Civilis had also built a dam at an angle into the Rhine to hold up the river and cause it to flood the adjacent soil. Such, then, was the terrain: a slippery, treacherous waste of inundated land. It told against us, for while the Roman legionary was laden with arms and frightened of swimming, the Batavians and their allies were familiar with rivers and could rely upon their height and the lightness of their loads to raise them above the level of the waters.

In answer to the Batavian challenge, therefore, those of our troops who were spoiling for battle threw themselves into the fight, but panicked when their arms and mounts sank into the dangerous depths of the morass. The Batavians knew where the shallows were, and galloped through them, usually avoiding our front-line and surrounding the flanks and rear. There was no question of a normal infantry battle at close quarters. It resembled nothing so much as a naval engagement, as the men floundered about everywhere in the flood waters or grappled hand and foot on any patch of firm ground where they could stand. Wounded and unwounded, swimmers and non-swimmers, they were locked in mutual destruction. However, despite the wild confusion, losses were comparatively light, for the Germans did not venture beyond the flooded ground and returned to their camp.

[Tacitus, Histories 5.14-15; tr. Kenneth Wellesley]

There is archaeological evidence for this battle: many military objects have been dredged from the Rhine , which has altered its course to the place of the battle field. Next day, the struggle was renewed, and this time the Romans were able to overcome the Batavians and their allies, although they could not press their advantage because suddenly, rain started to fall down. However, the battle of Xanten clearly meant the end of the revolt of Julius Civilis, who was now pushed back to the Island of the Batavians. The monument that the Sixth legion Victrix erected to commemorate its victory, has been discovered.

Cerialis now continued to reconstruct of the border. The Fourteenth legion was sent to Mainz , where it joined the First legion Adiutrix; the Tenth legion Gemina, which had arrived from Spain immediately after the battle, took its place in Cerialis' army at Xanten. Two of the legions in the south were reconstituted: IIII Macedonica and XVI Gallica, which had disgraced themselves, received new names (IIII Flavia Felix and XVI Flavia Firma) and were sent to Dalmatia and Syria . The First legion Germanica, which was responsible for the murder of general Caius Dillius Vocula, was disbanded; it soldiers were added to VII Gemina in Pannonia . Vocula's own legion XXII Primigenia was rewarded. V Alaudae and XV Primigenia, which had been destroyed at Xanten, were never reconstituted.

Meanwhile, Civilis had retreated to the Island . He had razed the Batavian capital Nijmegen to the ground, and had destroyed the mole that had once been constructed by Drusus, the stepson of the emperor Augustus, in 13 BCE. To understand the importance of this move, we must take a brief look at the topography of the Dutch river area.

The Rhine enters the Netherlands in the east, and divides itself into three rivers. The southern branch is the Waal and passes along Nijmegen ; the middle one is the Rhine ; and in the north is the IJssel . Originally, the IJssel was not a branch of the Rhine , but Drusus had cut a canal and built a large mole to ensure that water flowed into this canal. After the construction of the mole, the Rhine was the largest of the three branches. Now that Civilis had destroyed the mole, the southern branch, the Waal , became the largest of the three rivers (it still is). Since the Batavians lived between the Waal and the Rhine , his measure had as result that their country had a southern border that was hard to transgress - one of the broadest rivers in Europe .

Cerialis knew that he could not cross the river without navy, and decided to wait until ships had been built. Meanwhile, his soldiers had to guard the river. The Sixth and Twenty-first legions were sent to Neuss and Bonn, the Twenty-second Primigenia came from Mainz to Xanten; the Second started to built a bridge at Nijmegen, the Tenth went to an unidentified place called Arenacium. Auxiliary units were stationed at Grinnes and Vada - also unidentified.

Meanwhile, the Romans were occupied with the reconstruction of the Rhineland . Julius Civilis attempted to attack four camps at the same time -he himself attacked Vada, his ally Julius Classicus Grinnes- but the Batavians had underestimated the velocity and effectiveness of the Roman response. Cerialis arrived quickly, and Civilis had to swim across the Rhine to save his life.

A few days later, the Batavians were able to tow away the flagship of the newly built Roman flotilla during a surprise raid, but had to discover that Cerialis was not on board. (He spent the night with a woman from Cologne .) The ship was sent to the Bructerian prophetess Veleda.

Although this was not a great loss, it was humiliating, and Cerialis decided that he could no longer postpone the invasion of the Betuwe, the Island of the Batavians. His ships were now ready, and the navy seems to have invaded the Island from the west, whereas Cerialis crossed the Waal near Nijmegen in the southeast.

Cerialis ravaged the Island of the Batavians severely, employing the well-known stratagem of leaving Civilis' land and farms untouched. But by this time summer was turning to autumn, and repeated rainstorms at the equinox [August 30] caused the rivers to inundate the marshy, low-lying island until it looked like morras. Nor was there any sign of the Roman fleet or convoys in the offing, and the camps on the flat ground were being washed away by the violence of the river.

It was later claimed by Civilis that the legions could have been crushed at this moment, and he took credit for cunningly diverting the Batavians from this aim when they were set upon it. This may be true, since a few days later, he surrendered.

[Tacitus, Histories 5.24; tr. Kenneth Wellesley]

Tacitus' account breaks off abruptly when he describes the negotiations, which took place on a half-destroyed bridge somewhere in the Betuwe. It is not known what Cerialis and Civilis discussed, but it is certain that the old alliance between Rome and the Batavians was restored: the latter were not compelled to pay taxes, but had to man eight auxiliary units.

This does not mean that the Batavians were not heavily beaten. They suffered tremendously for their support of Julius Civilis. Every Batavian family mourned because of the death of at least one son. The Frisians and Cananefates had to pay the same, immense human toll. The Batavian capital Nijmegen had been destroyed, and the inhabitants were ordered to rebuild it two kilometers downstream on a place where it could not be defended. The Tenth legion Gemina was stationed close by, as a permanent guard.

What became of Julius Civilis is not known, but it is hard to believe that he enjoyed a quiet old age. It is probable that one of the members of his tribe killed him - the same happened to Arminius and Gannascus, to Germanic leaders who once revolted against Rome and had been defeated. Or perhaps the Romans arrested Civilis. It is true, Tacitus writes that he was granted immunity, but Cerialis would not have been the first or last Roman commander who felt free to break his promise to a man who had broken several oaths. In that case, Civilis will have received the 'punishment of a felon' that Munius Lupercus had promised him when the Batavians laid siege to Xanten: the cross.

Literature

Jona Lendering, De randen van de aarde. De Romeinen tussen Schelde en Eems (2000)
Hans Teitler, De opstand der 'Batavieren' (1998)

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Tiberius Calpurnius Rex, Quintus Fabricius Varus,
Mariniara Octavia Pomptina, Cynthia Cassia Justica,
Hiera Cassia, Titus Licinius Crassus, Marcus Calidius Gracchus,
Gnaeus Iulius Strabo, Horatia Minucia-Tiberia Caesar,
Gaius Adrianus Sergius

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