The Character of Hannibal by Polybius
Source: Ancient History Sourcebook
Submitted by Tiberius Galerius Paulinus

Polybius

 Hannibal

The Histories, Book IX, Chapters 22-26:

Of all that befell the Romans and Carthaginians, good or bad, the cause was one man and one mind--- Hannibal . For it is notorious that he managed the Italian campaigns in person, and the Spanish by the agency of the elder of his brothers, Hasdrubal, and subsequently by that of Mago, the leaders who killed the two Roman generals in Spain about the same time. Again, he conducted the Sicilian campaign first through Hippocrates and afterwards through Myttonus the Libyan. So also in Greece and Illyria: and, by brandishing before their faces the dangers arising from these latter places, he was enabled to distract the attention of the Romans thanks to his understanding with King Philip [Philip V, King of Macedon]. So great and wonderful is the influence of a Man, and a mind duly fitted by original constitution for any undertaking within the reach of human powers.

But since the position of affairs has brought us to inquiry into the genius of Hannibal , the occasion seems to me to demand that I should explain in regard to him the peculiarities of his character which have been especially the subject of controversy. Some regard him as having been extraordinarily cruel, some exceedingly grasping of money. But to speak the truth of him, or of any person engaged in public affairs, is not easy. Some maintain that men's natures are brought out by their circumstances, and that they are detected when in office, or as some say when in misfortunes, though they have up to that time completely maintained their secrecy.

I, on the contrary, do not regard this as a sound dictum. For I think that men in these circumstances are compelled, not occasionally but frequently, either by the suggestions of friends or the complexity of affairs, to speak and act contrary to real principles. And there are many proofs of this to be found in past history if any one will give the necessary attention. Is it not universally stated by the historians that Agathocles, tyrant of Sicily , after having the reputation of extreme cruelty in his original measures for the establishment of his dynasty, when he had once become convinced that his power over the Siceliots was firmly established, is considered to have become the most humane and mild of rulers? Again, was not Cleomenes of Sparta a most excellent king, a most cruel tyrant, and then again as a private individual most obliging and benevolent? And yet it is not reasonable to suppose the most opposite dispositions to exist in the same nature. They are compelled to change with the changes of circumstances: and so some rulers often display to the world a disposition as opposite as possible to their true nature.

Therefore, the natures of men not only are not brought out by such things, but on the contrary are rather obscured. The same effect is produced also not only in commanders, despots, and kings, but in states also, by the suggestions of friends. For instance, you will find the Athenians responsible for very few tyrannical acts, and of many kindly and noble ones, while Aristeides and Pericles were at the head of the state: but quite the reverse when Cleon and Chares were so.

And when the Lacedaemonians were supreme in Greece , all the measures taken by King Cleombrotus were conceived in the interests of their allies, but those by Agesilaus not so. The characters of states therefore vary with the variations of their leaders. King Philip again, when Taurion and Demetrius were acting with him, was most impious in his conduct, but when Aratus or Chrysogonus, most humane.  

The case of Hannibal seems to me to be on a par with these. His circumstances were so extraordinary and shifting, his closest friends so widely different, that it is exceedingly difficult to estimate his character from his proceedings in Italy . What those circumstances suggested to him may easily be understood from what I have already said, and what is immediately to follow; but it is not right to omit the suggestions made by his friends either, especially as this matter may be rendered sufficiently clear by one instance of the advice offered him. At the time that Hannibal was meditating the march from Iberia to Italy with his army, he was confronted with the extreme difficulty of providing food and securing provisions, both because the journey was thought to be of insuperable length, and because the barbarians that lived in the intervening country were numerous and savage. It appears that at that time the difficulty frequently came on for discussion at the council; and that one of his friends, called Hannibal Monomachus, gave it as his opinion that there was one and only one way by which it was possible to get as far as Italy .

Upon Hannibal bidding him speak out, he said that they must teach the army to eat human flesh, and make them accustomed to it. Hannibal could say nothing against the boldness and effectiveness of the idea, but was unable to persuade himself or his friends to entertain it.

It is this man's acts in Italy that they say were attributed to Hannibal , to maintain the accusation of cruelty, as well as such as were the result of circumstances.

  1 - Last day of Floralia to Flora (also said to end on the 3rd), festival of Amalthea,
       dog statue offered to the Lares, dedication of the temple of Bona Dea commemorated
  3 - Festivals of Bona Dea begins at dusk, festival of Chiron, Hercules, and Achilles
  4 - Festival of Bona Dea ends at dawn
  7 - Lemuria in honor of the dead begins
  8 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, Festival of Mens
  9 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues
10 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, festival of Orion begins
11 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, Matralia to Matuta, last day of festival
       of Orion
12 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, dedication of the temple of Mars Ultor
       commemorated
13 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, Quinquatrus to Minerva
14 - Lemuria in honor of the dead continues, Tibernalia to Tiberinus, festival of Taurus

15 - Last day of Lemuria in honor of the dead, Mercuralia to Mercury, festival of Vesta
20 - Festival of Castor and Pollux
21 - Agonalia to Veiovis
23 - Tubilustrium to Vulcan
24 - Quando Rex Comitiavit
26 - Festival of Diana begins, Secular Games to Proserpina begin
27 - Festival of Diana continues, Secular Games to Proserpina continue
28 - Festival of Diana continues, Secular Games to Proserpina continue
29 - Festival of Diana continues, Secular Games to Proserpina continue
30 - Festival of Diana continues, Secular Games to Proserpina continue
31 - Last day of festival of Diana, Secular Games to Proserpina continue

"Hey Roman! What's Cookin'?"

From the Archives of the Sodalitas Coqueror et Coquus
As presented by Tiberius Galerius Paulinus

The Society of Cooks and Brewers

The Sodalis pro Coqueror et Coquus is be devoted to the research into and preparation and enjoyment of, the beverages, foods and dining methods of Roma Antiqua, those of cultures with which she came into contact, those of Nova Roma and the host cultures of Nova Roma's Cives. The main emphasis of all efforts will be Roma Antiqua, with an eye to the future of Nova Roma. The Sodalis shall provide a forum for improved communication and exchange of information between the brewers and cooks of Nova Roma, and to the benefit of the general population.

Regi Dean's Recipes
Baked Red Mullet in a Fennel and Mint Sauce
Ingredients:

Place the mullet in a paper "cartoccio" with olive oil, salt, pepper, white wine and a sprig of rosemary. Close the parcel and bake for 30 to 40 minutes or until cooked. In a mortar grind together the herbs (or finely chop) and combine with the other ingredients. Simmer for 25 minutes to reduce. Pour over baked mullet and serve.

From "The Roman Cookery of Apicius" by John Ewards and has been adapted according to my own experiments.

Regi Dean's Recipes
Casserole Apicius with meat or fish
Serving Size: 4
Ingredients:

First make the pancakes: beat 3 eggs and add flour, milk and water to make a thin batter. Into a greased 8 inch frying pan, pour a little of the batter and allow it to spread evenly. Cook each pancake over high heat and flip over when it is lightly browned.
 
Prepare the coked meat or fish:- Mix with eggs, olicþ oil, celery seed, stock, white wine and sweet wine. Heat the meats in this sauce, adding more liquid if require. Thicken the sauce with flour.
 
Next, take a greased casserole dish and cover the bottom with a layer of meats or fish in their sauce. Sprinkle with coarsely ground pepper and with nuts. On this, place a pancake. Fill the dish with layers of the sauced meats, seasoned with pepper and nuts, each alternating with a pancake.

Pierce a hole in the final pancake to allow steam to escape and cook uncovered in a 375 F oven for 20- 25 minutes until the dish is uniformly heated. Serve with a sprinkling of pepper.

Source - The Roman Cookery of Apicius.

Regi Dean's Recipes:
Cheese Pie (Crostata Di Ricotta)
Serving Size: 1
Ingredients:

Instructions: Pastry Crust
In a large mixing bowl, make a well in the center of two cups of flour .Drop into it the butter {or lard}, egg yolks, sugar, Marsala , lemon peel and salt. With your fingertips mix the ingredients together, incorporating as much flour as you can. With the heels of your hands, work in the rest of the flour until the dough is smooth and can be gathered into a ball. Do not, however, knead the dough or work it any more than necessary. {If you have an electric mixer with a paddle attachment, all of the ingredients can be placed in the bowl at once and mixed at low speed until they are just combined.} The dough can be rolled out at once, but if it seems at all oily, refrigerate it for about 1 hour, or until it is firm but not hard.

Pre-heat the oven to 350^. Break off about 1/4 of the dough, dust lightly   with flour and cover with wax paper or plastic wrap; set aside in the   refrigerator. Reshape the rest of the dough into a ball and place on a   lightly floured board or pastry cloth. With the heel of your hand, flatten   the ball into a disc about 1 inch thick. Dust a little flour over both sides   of the disc to prevent the dough from sticking, and begin rolling it   out---starting from the center and rolling to within an inch of the far edge. Gently lift the dough, turn clockwise, and roll out again from the center to the far edge. Repeat lifting, turning and rolling until the disc is about 1/8 inch thick and at least 11 inches across. If the dough sticks to the board or cloth while you are rolling it out, lift it gently with a wide metal spatula and sprinkle a little flour under it.
 
Lightly butter the bottom and sides of a 9-by-11/2-inch spring-form or false-bottom cake pan. Then, starting at the nearest edge of the circle, lift the pastry and drape it over the rolling pin. Place the pin in the middle of the buttered pan, and unfold the pastry over it, leaving some slack in the center. Gently press the pastry into the bottom and around the sides of the pan, taking care not to stretch it. Roll the pin over the edge of the pan, pressing down hard to trim off the excess pastry around the top.

Unwrap the remaining pastry, place it on a lightly floured board or cloth, flatten it with the heel of your hand and roll it into a rectangle about 12 inches long. With a pastry wheel or sharp knife, cut the rectangle into long, even strips about 12 inch wide.

Instructions: Ricotta Filling
Combine the ricotta cheese with 1/2 cup of sugar, 1 tablespoon flour, 1/2 teaspoon salt, the vanilla, grated orange peel and egg yolks, and beat until they are thoroughly mixed. Stir in the raisins and the candied orange
peel and citron. Spoon this filling into the partially baked pastry shell, spreading it evenly with a rubber spatula. Sprinkle the top with slivered almonds or pine nuts, then weave or crisscross the pastry strips across the pie to make a lattice design. Brush the strips lightly with the egg-white -and-water mixture. Bake on the middle shelf of the oven for 1 to 1- 1/4 hours, or until the crust is golden and the filling is firm.
 
Remove the pie from the oven and slide off the outside the outside rim of the pan. Cool the pie on a wire rack, leaving the bottom disc in place. If you would prefer to remove the disc before serving the pie, wait until the pie is cool, loosen the bottom crust with a wide metal spatula, and carefully slide the pie off the disc onto a round serving plate.
 
Fresh fruits like white grapes, served with crostata di ricotta, make a tangy, sweet contrast to the richness of the pie. Crostata di ricotta is one of the oldest Roman dishes.
 
From the files of Al Rice, North Pole, Alaska , Feb. 1994 .

Three Eastern Cities: Antioch
Marcus Minucius - Tiberius Audens

In looking at the city of Antioch we will investigate the capitol city f the Roman Provincia of Syria .  Antioch derived most of its wealth from agricultural products which were the fruits of the plain on which t was located.  The principal produce of this area was olive oil and wine.  The city was located on the River Orontes, and was widely celebrated for the wealth that was found here as well as the luxury of those who could afford it.

Antioch was connected to the sea by 15 miles of good Roman Road .  At the nd of that road was the seaport city of Seleucia which served Antioch s a outlet for local products and as a inlet for the trade products brought to the city by the extensive Roman merchant sea lanes.

Antioch lies in the shadow of Mt. Silpius (approx. 600 meters in height) just to the West of the city about 1500 meters.  The city's Circus, Palace and Tetrapylon are located behind fortified walls on an island in the middle of the Orontes River .  There are four bridges which allow access to this part of the city.  It's fortifications and wall are separate from the Southern portion of Antioch .  The western side of Antioch along the River side is protected by the Wall of Seleucus II. In this wall is a water gate and bridge leading to the western side of the river.  There the road divides and one road goes West to Tarsus and Selecia, the other road goes South to Laodicia  and then on to Jerusalem .  Between the city and Mt. Silpius is the road down the Eastern bank of the Orontes to Daphne. It is named the Street of Herod and Tiberius.  The southern end of this street goes past the Cherubin Gate, and then South through the Daphne Gate.  This street then extends northward  past the Theatre of Caesar, through the small town of Nymphasium and then northward again through the Eastern Gate and on  to Buroea and Cyrrhus.  

An aqueduct begins about 500 meters due East of the Eastern Gate and parallels roughly the street and road South to Daphne.  The aqueduct crosses two streams, the Parmenius, which flows to the river just North of Nymphasium and the Phyrminus which flows to the Orontes just South of the Daphne Gate.  These two streams drain two shallow valleys at the foot of Mt. Silpius .  The Amphitheatre of Antioch is located between the Street of Herod and Tiberius just North of the Cherubin Gate.  At the Daphne Gate the city wall extends eastward to approximately the 100 meter elevation mark and here there is located a reservoir.  

On the western side of the river opposite and just South of the Seleucid agora in the lower town is the Campus Martius.  The lower part of the city nearby the Daphne Gate was the well known area of elegance and wealth which was denoted by the large villas, gardens and the lovely vistas found there. 

The heavy walls which protected the city were mute testimony of the threat of the Persian Empire after the 3rd Century A.D.  However, even with that threat hanging over the city it still remained a center of both trade as well as administration in the Roman East.

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Institutions & Magistracies of Roman North Africa
Dominus Praefectus Serapio

The People & Senate
The hallmark of Augustan policy in proconsular Africa was the superimposition of the new provincial administrative organization on to the preexisting civic structures, which were not dismantled. there is no doubt that in the cities of Tripolitania these structures (magistracy, law and religion) remained more intact for a longer period than anywhere else. To be more specific, this was truer of Sabratha (and perhaps also of Oea) than of Lepcis, which among the religion's cities was the most open to contact with the outside world and far away the least "provincial".

In fact, it was not long before Lepcis officially turned its long-standing friendship and alliance with Rome into grateful and devoted submission. A lot of public inscriptions dating back from the decades marking the transition to the Christian age were discovered when the city was excavated. these have shed light on the gradual incorporation of what was once an independent political and cultural world into the Roman empire .

The archaeological evidence leaves no doubt that the political and administrative structures in place in the Emporia were directly derived from those that had been in use in Carthage . However, on the other hand, as "civitates liberae" (free citizens) until at least the 1st century A.D., the people of the Emporia continued to use the Punic language alongside Latin in their official inscriptions.

Despite the opinion of Sallust to the contrary, this was almost identical to the language of Carthage ; Tripolitania managed to maintain its original linguistic dignity fro an exceptionally long period of time, without ever degenerating into dialect. On the basis of Aristotle's analysis in his "Politics" (book II), the civic institutions of the cities also seem to have been very like those found in contemporary Carthage . There were two legislative assemblies made up respectively of representatives of the aristocracy and representatives of the people. Once a year they elected the highest magistrates within their community, the "suffecti".

The Suffecti
The highest magistracy in Carthaginian cities, and therefore also in the cities of Tripolitania , was made up of "suffecti", who formed a civil college of magistrates, almost always with two members. It therefore follows that one feature that generally differentiates the money coined in the cities of the Emporia are the names (sometimes just the initials) of the "suffecti" in office that year. In addition, coins showed the name of the city minting the money and bore a tag equivalent to the Latin "moneta senatus" (coin of the Senate).

With the sole (and then only temporary) exception of Lepcis, when the cities of Tripolitania became municipalities or colonies under the Empire, the suffecti were replaced by "duumvirs", though their role remained pretty much the same as that of the suffecti.

The Mahazim
Another layer of magistrates were elected annually to serve alongside the suffecti, but were lower in rank: these were the "mahazim", whose title was latinizen as Aediles. They were two magistrates whose job was to look after the markets, to impose fines or taxes that they themselves set, and other matters of a monetary nature; it is possible that they also oversaw public works. Their tasks were similar to those of the roman Aediles, a title they kept after the Tripolitanian Emporia acquired the status of municipality or colony.

Honorary Titles
Finally, there is no doubt that honorary titles such as ornator patriae, amator patriae, amator civium, amator concordiae, etc., which were widely used in Lepcis until the 1st century, were translations from the Punic language. We also find them in Sabratha and again in Lepcis in later centuries.

It has recently been suggested that these did not come from a genuine Carthaginian tradition but were rather borrowed from Greco-Hellenistic world. This is quite possible and fits into the pattern of relations between the independent Tripolitania of the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. and Alexandria and other Greek cities of the central and eastern Mediterranean . These titles, it seems, were so congenial to the Punic peoples of Tripolitania that they slipped into their culture and remained there.

The New Legal Status & the Cursus Honorum for the Cities of the Empire
It was between 74 A.D. and 77-78 A.D. that in Lepcis, became a Latin municipality, we find the first mention of a "patronus municipii" (city guardian). Lepcis, in fact, wasn't governed by duumvirs; it had kept its suffecti. Although its "promotion" in status was indeed a sign of the municipal desire that soon gripped the political classes of the richest proconsular cities, it also fitted neatly into the huge program of romanization that the Flavians were pushing through Africa .

Perhaps, neither Sabratha nor Oea were included in this program. Although both towns developed significantly, neither of them matched Lepcis. This is borne out, at least in the case of Sabratha, by excavation work. In reality, in Sabratha there are only two names connected with a Curia that can be used to establish a date when it passed from a peregrine city (a foreign city not governed by Roman law) to a municipality or colony: those of Adrianus and Faustinus. So maybe the city (like the nearby Gightis) may have become a municipality under Antoninus Pius.

Compare this to Oea, where a grandiose four-way arch was erected during Marcus Aurelius' reign. It seems probably that the arch may have been intended to celebrate the city's promotion to municipality, and indeed it is likely thet it may even been Marcus Aurelius who granted it colonial status. Soon after Oea, a temple dedicated to the genius of the colony appears to have been completed between 183 A.D. and 185 A.D. Given the importance of the all-marble building, however, it is highly probable that its construction had been decided upon some years earlier. Lepcis, the jewel of the Emporia , had, on the other hand, already been awarded the honor of colonial status some time before 110 A.D. This was when the four-way (quadrifrons) arch was inaugurated at the main city entrance: the arch was dedicated to Imperator Traianus and was clearly intended to thank him for his generosity. It was without doubts also erected to acknowledge both the great economic importance that the city had attained, and also its ancient origins.

Recognition of the city later culminated in it being granted "ius italicum". This meant, among other things, that Septimius Severus (born in Lepcis), exempted the land in the territory from paying taxes. And it may have been when this concession was granted (and certainly not later than 202 A.D.) that the Lepticians declared their gratitude and loyalty to Septimius Severus and his son Caracalla by commissioning statues to them to thank them for their "lofty and divine benevolence"(as a local inscription says).

By way of example of a typical cursus honorum, we can look at the career of Gaius Anicius Frontus, a magistrate from Sabratha during the colonial period. An inscription records his life and reveals his personal status as "equo publico ornatus" (a member of the equestrian order). He was first a Quaestor, then an Aedile, after which he moved on to the duumvirate and was finally appointed Duumvir for a five-year period, in other words the most senior magistrate in town. Furthermore he was rewarded with the title of "Amator Patriae" (lover of his country). However, his cursus honorum didn't include priestly roles. These had been of great importance both in the old Carthaginian society and in that rather mixed society that was evolving in Africa , especially in its cities, during the Roman empire .

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Legionaries’ Long Journey
Marek Grajek

Inscriptions (or rather ­ ancient grafitti) on the Egyptian monuments or the famous Greek temples teach us a lesson about the early tourism under the Pax Romana. The range of those journeys was usually limited to the imperial provinces. Only two groups of men enjoyed the privilege of learning the world beyond the Empire limits: merchants and soldiers. I am going to tell you a fascinating story of the group of legionaries who, even if somewhat unwillingly, established the direct contact between the two superpowers of the ancient world: Roman and Chinese empires.

The story starts at the plains of Carrhae, where Marcus Licinus Crassus led his legions trying to force the escaping Parts into the regular battle. There was no real need for this campaign. It resulted merely from the series of the strategic errors and individual ambitions. After the decisive victory over Antioch at Magnesium (189 B.C.) the Romans humiliated in Apamea the descendants of Seleucos ­ one of the bravest generals of Alexander the Great. The part of the kingdom reaching up to the Taurus mountains passed over to Rome ’s allies ­ Pergamon and Rhodos. Fifteen thousand talents paid up as the war contribution. Fleet burned in the dockyards. The pride of the Seleucid army ­ the elephants ­ partially in Pergamons hand, partially useless with their tendons cut. Antioch the Great was killed soon after Apamea like an ordinary thief during a night raid on one of the temples, in a desperate attempt to collect the contribution. After his death the Seleucid kingdom was falling gradually into disarray, the victim to the nomadic tribes emerging from the vast steppes of Eurasia . The Parns, known later as the Parts were one of them, successful enough to found the state comparable in its size and power with the ancient Persian empire , on whose ruins it emerged. But in  the first century B.C. the Parts have not consolidated their power yet to the extent permitting to look with the greedy eye on the rich towns in Syria . After all  Euphratus seemed to be a natural border between the Partian realms and Rome . Crassus had to consider the arguments of the different nature. The fame of his colleagues in the triumvirate, Caesar and Pompeius, was growing fast, while quiet Syria did not offer an opportunity for the military glory comparable to the victories over the tribes of Gallia or Germania . Victorious campaign against Parts on the other bank of Euphratus might restore the balance of power between the triumviri. So, ignoring numerous ominous signs he led his 7 legions to Mesopotamia in 53 B.C. The legionaries carrying their usual heavy gear, suffering in their armors from the heat and the lack of water cursed both their commander and the enemy avoiding the open fight. Finally in the plains near Carrhae Roman arm counting some 35 000 men encountered rather experimental Parthian corps: 10 000 man strong army consisting entirely of the mounted archers and heavily armored cavalry (prototype to the later famous Byzantine cataphracta), no infantry. The Parts flooded the Roman ranks with their arrows, supplied continually by the special corps of 1000 camels. Parthian archers learned soon how to disrupt the invincible Roman testudo ­ they aimed their arrows at legionaries’ legs and corpses. The attack of the scarce Roman mounted men commanded by Crassus’ son was annihilated by the Parthian heavy cavalry. Florus reports that in the middle of the battle, when tired to death legionaries were fighting for survival rather than for the victory, they were blinded by the sun reflected in the banners of silk unfolded suddenly by the Parts. In the resulting panic and escape some 20 000 Romans ­ among them Crassus himself and his son - were killed and 10 000 captured. According to Florus in this rather unpleasant way the Romans learned for the first time the silk, which will play an important role in our story. Almost as important as a group of 150 legionaries captured at Carrhae by Parts.

Now let us switch to the other end of Eurasia , where the Han dynasty has just emerged from the turmoil resulting from the collapse of short-lived Q’in, ­ the first dynasty that managed to unite all the lands we know as China today. The Great Wall protecting Chinese kingdoms from the barbarians in the north, constructed in pieces over centuries has been just integrated by the mighty and cruel Q’in Shi Huang Di. The Hans discovered however soon that it did not offer the protection from Xiongnu, the predecessors of what we know today as Huns. Campaigns against Xiongnu fill a big part of records of the Early Han period (approximately last 2 centuries B.C.). Fortunately for the Chinese the Romans did not patent their old principle divide et impera, so that when the Hans were able to celebrate the final victory it was due to breaking the nomads’ unity rather than some military action. But before the Han emperors could sigh with deep relief the very existence of Xiongnu gave birth to the fabulous adventures by Zhang Qian and Ban Chao, opening the famous Silk Road .

In year 138 B.C emperor Wu Di decided to use in the fight against Xiongnu their old enemies, Yue Zhi, defeated in the past but not conquered. The risky mission to Yue Zhi was entrusted to Zhang Qian, commanding the imperial palace guard. He started his journey with 100 volunteers, to be captured by Xiongnu once he left the territories under the Han control. Pretending to accept the failure of his mission he married local woman, who gave him son. Ten years of the stable family life gave him some freedom, which he used only to persuade some of his companions to escape and continue their mission. When they finally reached Yue Zhi they discovered that their hosts are not interested in returning to the old disputes with the Xiongnu. Instead, they have turned their attention to the north-west India , where 150 years later they established a new state known as the Kushan empire. On his return route to China Zhang Qian was captured by Xiongnu again, managed to escape and reach Chinese capital Chang-an after 13 years long journey, in the company of his wife and a single servant. Although he was not bringing the expected treaty with Yue Zhi, the emperor appreciated his mission’s results, offering Zhang Qian nobility and numerous material rewards. According to one of the most important Zhang Qian’s observations from his journey the horses he saw in Kokand (present Fergana valley) surpassed by far anything the Chinese knew at that time. To fight the nomadic Xiongnu emperor Wu Di was organizing the Chinese cavalry - equipping his men with strong Kokand horses could neutralize the Xiongnu superiority in this field. More envoys were sent to Kokand , however its rulers were more afraid of the neighboring Xiongnu than the distant Chinese and declined to trade in their horses. Unfortunately for the Kokand rulers the Chinese army lost between 100 and 200 thousand horses only during 2 years long campaign against Xiongnu and Wu Di was serious about restoring his cavalry. When he decided to dispatch 60 000 men strong army to Kokand , Zhang Qian was a natural candidate for its commander. After the deadly march through the desert he managed to bring a half of his initial force to Kokand , where he started the siege of its capital - Ershi. When the Chinese diverted the river supplying the town with water and, after 40 days of siege, seized the external walls, they learned that the strong army of Kokand ’s allies ­ Kang-jiu ­ is approaching Ershi, bringing with them the specialists in well digging from DaJin. This offered sufficient ground for the compromise. The rulers of Kokand decided to accept the Chinese authority, while the Chinese withdrew t he 10 thousand survivors of their initial army, escorting the Kokand horses to Chang-an. We have just, almost unconsciously, registered the first record of the direct contact between China and the Roman empire : the specialists in well digging mentioned by the chronicle were representing the Roman world and DaJin was the name describing for the long time the Roman empire in the Chinese records.

Zhang Qian was leading more armies to the West, enjoying victories, suffering defeats, sentenced to death by his own emperor, pardoned, finally died in Chang-an in 103/104 B.C. But thanks to his courage and persistence the Chinese kept on controlling Tarim basin and the routes leading to the west until the new dynamic superpower ­ the Arabs - defeated their armies on the banks of Talas river, giving birth to the Islamic Mawarannahr. But before that happened, merchants from China , Parthia , Kushan empire and numerous small states on the Silk Road were crossing the deserts and mountains bringing to Rome the highly desired silk fabric. In general ­ silk played an ugly role in the Roman history. As we already know it started with the Crassus’ defeat at Carrhae. Later on the passion of the Roman women and (even worse...) men for the silk suits caused something that modern economists would call the distorted trade balance. The East was not finding in the Roman empire goods attractive enough to accept them in exchange for the exported silk and spices. The Romans kept on paying in gold and silver until (contemporary term again) the empire had finally lost its financial liquidity.

Well, it is time to get back to the Crassus’ legionaries captured by the Parts at Carrhae. In the year 36 B.C. two Chinese generals, Zhen Tang and Gan Yenzhou, besieged a town in the Central Asia . When it fell they have found among their prisoners a group of 145 strange looking soldiers, who surprised them presenting a military rank described in the Early Han chronicle as ‘fish scales rank’ and the art. of rapid camp fortification with the wooden stockade. Some of them were also skilled in the unknown in China art. of glass production. Sounds familiar?

To fill in the gaps between two puzzle pieces we need some speculation. On the other hand, the known facts do not permit too much freedom for the loose interpretation. The legionaries captured at Carrhae must have been transferred by the Parts as the complete unit to the eastern limits of their state, where they formed a part of the military garrison protecting it from the Huns. Captured again in one of the battles between the Parts and Huns, transferred this time to the Central Asia they met the victorious Chinese. This was the end of their extraordinary journey. The Chinese decided to settle their prisoners in one of the military settlements guarding the Silk Road . The chronicles mention the post named Li Qian, situated in the Chinese Turkistan until V century A.D. Li Qian is used in the Chinese records (next to Da Jin) also to describe the distant Rome .

During the imperial age Roman merchants were reaching on the more or less regular basis the coasts of India . The chronicle of the Late Han dynasty mentions also the visit (166 A.D.) at the imperial court of the envoys from the Roman ruler described as An Tun (Antoninus). From the other side ­ when the famous general Ban Zhao stationed his troops near the coasts of the Caspian Sea (in 97 A.D.), he decided to dispatch an envoy to the ruler of Da Jin (Rome). The envoy ­ Gan Ying ­reached probably the coasts of Syria, where he got intimidated by local merchants (naturally interested in keeping their trade monopoly) that further travel to Rome by sea might last for up to 2 years and gave up his mission. All those contacts between the two superpowers of the ancient world do not obscure the earlier, more difficult and spectacular adventure of the legionaries from Carrhae, who formed the unit of the Roman army whose mission did not find a match neither in time nor in the distance covered.

Postscriptum
Homer Hasenplug Dubs, an Oxford University professor of Chinese history, was the first historian to link together the Latin records of the battle of Carrhae and the Chinese sources (Qien Han Shi, The History of Early Han Dynasty), reporting the presence of the (Roman?) mercenaries in the Hun troops defeated by the Chinese army in 36 B.C. (Homer Dubs, A Roman city in ancient China?, London 1957).

While no other written or archaeological sources confirm or deny this interesting hypothesis, some enthusiastic Chinese were able to identify the village Lou Zhuangzi in Gansu province as the ancient Li Qian, where the ex-legionaries were stationed after going into the service of China . Hoping to boost tourism local authorities constructed Doric-style pavilion in Lou Zhuangzi, while the county capital, Yongchang, boasts the huge statues of Roman legionary and a Roman woman flanking the town’s main street and – to keep proportions – ­ the statue of some communist hero.

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Should any member of Sodalitas Militarium be interested in a real in-depth research, I am ready to share full list of Roman and Chinese sources.

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Latin for the Illiterati
by G. Lanius Falco

Aurea mediocritas

(”moderation in all things”)
Gratia gratiam parit

(“kindness produces kindness”)
Hostis honori invidia

(“envy is the foe of honor”)
Cassis tutissima virtus

(“an honest person need not fear a thing”)
Dictis facta suppetant

(“let deeds suffice for words”)

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