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November Quarterly:

On the Palatine
Stratagems Part III -- I. On Concealing One's Plans
Ethics in Everyday Life
Roman Foodstuffs
Philosophy
Dams (continued)
Links to:
Pilum
Nova Britannia

 

On the Palatine
by Kristoffer From

History will remember where they came from. How their mother was made a Vestal by her uncle, instead of being driven away, like her father, or killed, like her brothers. How she, in spite of this, became pregnant and, in time, gave birth to a pair of healthy boys, identical twins. How they were exposed by their great-uncle while their mother was thrown into prison.

Why the she-wolf did what she did will never be known, but I believe a god inspired her. She must have recently lost a cub of her own, perhaps to sickness, perhaps to starvation, but whatever the reason, she had milk to offer. And suckle them she did, as well as care for them as were they her offspring.

When I came upon them, perhaps half a year later, she was licking them clean. Perhaps I should have left them there, in her gentle care, but as they were human like me, I slew the wolf and brought the twins to my wife, Larentia. I sometimes wonder if that was my crime and why the gods have kept punishing me, the killing of the adoptive mother of two infants before their eyes.

Larentia, being barren after a miscarriage, shared my desire for children and welcomed the boys into our household. At first, they shied away from her, as though unaccustomed to a human caretaker, but they soon learned to accept her. They never expressed the kind of affection regular children do, though, perhaps a sign I should have taken closer notice of.

During these early years, I spent most of my time looking after my sheep and providing for my family. Most of what I know of their infancies, I learned from my wife, when she
expressed her concerns to me.

"There is something wrong with them, you know," Larentia told me over dinner, not quite a year after I brought them home. "They should be walking and talking by now, or at least have taken their first steps and said their first words."

Washing the piece of bread in my mouth down with some water, I considered her words. "Not all children develop at the same rate," I told her. "Besides, they're still getting over their time with the wolf. Let them be, I'm sure before long they will be running around and spouting enough nonsense to wish they weren't."

Half a year later, I was proven right, as they went from crawling around on all four to running all over, seemingly overnight. A couple of weeks after this, Romulus was nowhere to be found. Searching all around, I couldn't seem to find him until a hunch led me to the cave where I had killed the wolf.

There he lay, curled up and soundly asleep on the same spot where I first saw him and his brother. Picking him up, I carried him home to my wife claiming I had found him under a
nearby tree. She was apprehensive enough without knowing where the child's instincts had led him.
Only a few months later, the boys both uttered their first words, one shortly after the other. Somewhat mollified, my wife had no further complaints, as they seemed to be fully capable of learning to speak, only a bit slow in doing so.

Some years later, when the boys were not only walking and talking, but also running around and getting into the occasional scuffle, my wife again voiced her concerns.

"They fight all the time," she mentioned one morning when we awoke to the sounds of some disagreement of theirs. "I have tried to stop them, but they refuse to play well with
each other, not to mention other children."

"Oh?" I questioned, yawning. "Well, not all forms of play appeal to all children. Perhaps they would better enjoy something more competitive, like wrestling practice?"

"You and your sports," Larentia said with a snort. "This is serious. If they can't play well with others now, I fear they will join the bandits when they grow older."

Considering her words, I got out of bed and had a word with the boys about not fighting each other. At the time I thought they had learned their lesson, but now I think I only taught them to fight where their mother and I couldn't hear or see.

Not long after their eleventh birthday, they took notice of girls, or in particular, the oldest girl of a farmer living not far from us. The girl took no notice of either, being four years their senior, but this didn't stop their feud for her favor.

Even if we still never saw them fight, they frequently came home for dinner with a black eye, scratches or torn clothing. When Romulus one day came home with a deep bite mark in his shoulder, next to the throat, I took Remus aside and told him in no uncertain terms that the feud was over. He agreed.

The next day, Remus courted the girl to no more avail than ever, but this time without the interference of his brother. Their last fight seemed to have settled the matter once and for all, with Romulus backing off completely, though his eyes could tell anyone that he resented it.

The girl eventually married a young farmer, but the situation between them seemed stabilized. Remus seemed more at ease with life, sometimes even wearing a grin. As neither boy ever smiled, this was remarkable enough that I took careful note of how his brother acted in response.

Romulus was showing for him very unusual behavior, stepping out of the way when Remus approached, not reaching for the food until after Remus had already stacked his plate and generally being deferential.

This pattern remained in place and further evolved during the next several years, until the time when their true heritage was revealed. I watched the twins as their grandfather Numitor recognized them as his rightful heirs and saw how Remus' features lit up with pride. What worried me was how Romulus' eyes narrowed into thin slits, looking towards his brother for a moment before returning his gaze to the old king.

It may have been my imagination, but I believed that his eyes momentarily locked upon his brother's throat. Shivers ran down my spine, but I quickly convinced myself that I was mistaken. Today I wonder.

After the brief but decisive war against Amulius, they were both rather proud of themselves, both boasting several kills and together having regained their grandfather the throne of the Silvian house. I was apprehensive, though, as I had seen who followed them into battle and recognized several local bandits. It would seem the rumors I had been denying about their associations were indeed true, which made me wonder if perhaps the rumors of how they celebrated Lupercalia had some basis in reality.

With Numitor as king once again, the twins returned to where I had raised them, bringing along not only their followers from the fighting, but also a large party consisting mostly of young men from Alban and Latin towns in the environs. As now recognized as being of royal birth, they felt it only appropriate to have a people to call their own, which would require a city to be founded.

Here problems arose, perhaps because Mars, their supposed father, was not sated with the blood spilled already. Remus considered the Aventine hill a superior site for the founding of a city, whereas Romulus, as always, preferred the Palatine hill.

The brothers exchanged a hard look, then each withdrew to his proposed location, to consult the auspices. I saw the six vultures fly near the Aventine, then followed the messenger sent by Remus to his brother, to tell him the auspices had spoken.

"Lord Romulus," the messenger said, kneeling before him, "your brother has seen six vultures near the Aventine hill. The gods have spoken, a site for our city has been chosen."

I could see the spark in Romulus eyes as he spoke. "Indeed, but not the Aventine hill, for I just saw twelve vultures arise from the Palatine hill," he stated in a hard tone.

The brothers both claimed their omen to be the supreme one, no agreement could be reached and so both went about founding a city on the respective hills.

Remus, ill-accustomed to his brother opposing him, was frustrated about what he considered Romulus' stubbornness. Several times, he went over to the Palatine, attempting to persuade his twin to, once again, yield, mostly through belittling him and the start of what was to become a city.

"Little brother, don't you know that I'm always right?", Remus asked Romulus one day. "We discussed the matter once, if you would remember. Now give up on these burrows and piles of rock and come help me found our city."

Romulus steadfastly refused to answer him, but I could see his ire rising with each taunt. I feared what would happen should Remus take things too far, which happened one day. I wasn't there myself, but I've been told that Remus made fun of the outlines of a wall by repeatedly jumping over it while telling Romulus how his efforts were wasted.

I arrived on the scene shortly after this, having been summoned by the roar with which Romulus tore into his brother. I found my adopted sons rolling around on the ground
with Romulus gaining the advantage, aided by a wound in Remus' side, inflicted by Romulus' now discarded dagger.

With a feral snarl, Romulus went for his twin's throat and bit deep. Remus tried to cry out, but only managed a gasp before Romulus ripped out his jugular. Shocked by the act, I froze before the horrific scene, as Romulus let out a howl of victory. Getting to his feet, he wiped away some of the blood from his chin before addressing the crowd.

To this day, I cannot recall what he said, but his brother's people accepted him as their new leader and the Palatine as the proper site for the new city, which was named Roma after my surviving son. I returned to the present when Romulus in mid-speech stopped before me, placing his hand on my shoulder.

"The goddess of the Palatine hill," he was saying, "Palatua Diva, will need a Flamen to conduct her rites and keep our city safe and strong."

I couldn't quite grasp what he was saying, the enormity of his previous act still had me shaken to the core.

"Faustulus has lived near here his whole life and served the goddess well," he continued, "as can be evidenced by him being chosen to rescue me, after I was left to die. He will be the Flamen of Palatua."

Not being a man of much faith, this disturbed me, although nowhere near as much as the death of one of my adoptive sons, but Romulus' hand on my shoulder gripped me hard.

"No, Faustulus," he said. "Deny not your piety, for I have witnessed it myself. With a flamen as dedicated as yourself, how can we but prosper?"

With a grin showing a bit more of his teeth than I was comfortable with seeing, after so recently having seen them in use, he released me and continued his oration to his people.

I went home to Larentia and told her about the death of our son, though I couldn't bring myself to tell her how it came about. We mourned his passing, but were interrupted early the next day when some of Romulus' followers showed up and brought me back to the new city, where I was shown the proposed location of the temple I was supposed to head.

I agreed with their plans, then sought out Romulus and took him aside, intent on refusing the position. Instead his gaze burned into me as he snarled quietly.

"I remember my mother, old man," he said, "and what you did to her. You will serve as I tell you, in penance."

Flustered, I protested my innocence. "I have always treated Larentia with fairness and..."

"Not that cow," he cut me off. "My real mother, whom you slew and stole us from. You will serve as her Flamen and honor her memory, as it is the only thing that remains of her."

Recognizing the madness in Romulus' eyes for what it was, I nodded, not daring to speak out. He stared into my eyes for several seconds, before nodding sharply and walking back to the men constructing his city.

I sat down, a feeling of anxiety for the future of my home region rising in the pit of my stomach. In the distance, a single vulture lifted from the Aventine hill.

Fin.

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Stratagems Part III -- I. On Concealing One's Plans
Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

Marcus Porcius Cato believed that, when opportunity offered, the Spanish cities which he had subdued would revolt, relying on the protection of their walls.  He therefore wrote to each of the cities, ordering them to destroy their fortifications, and threatening war unless they obeyed forthwith.  He ordered these letters all be delivered on the same day.  Each city supposed that it alone had received the commands; had they known that the same orders had been sent to all, they could have joined forces and refused obedience. (1)

Himilco, the Carthaginian general, desiring to land in Sicily by surprise, made no public announcement as to the destination of his voyage, but gave all the captains sealed letters, in which were instructions what port to make, with further directions that no one should read these, unless separated from the flagship by a violent storm. (2)

When Gaius Laelius went as envoy to Syphax, he took with him as spies certain tribunes and centurions whom he represented to be slaves and attendants.  One of these Lucius Statorius, who had been rather frequently in the same camp, and who certain of the enemy seemed to recognize, Laelius caned as a slave, in order to conceal the man's rank. (3)

Tarquin the Proud (4) having decided that the leading citizens of Gabii should be put to death and not wishing to confide this purpose to anyone, gave no response to the messenger sent to him by his son, but merely cut off the tallest poppy heads with his cane, as he happened to walk about in the garden.  The messenger, returning without an answer reported to the young Tarquin what he had seen his father doing.  The son thereupon understood that the same thing was to be done to the prominent citizens of Gabii. (5)

Gaius Caesar distrusting the loyalty of the Egyptians, and wishing to give the appearance of indifference, indulged in riotous banqueting, while devoting himself to the inspection of the city. (6) and it's defenses., pretending to be captivated by the charm of the place and to be succumbing to the customs and life of the Egyptians.  Having made ready his reserves while he thus dissembled, he seized Egypt.  (7)

(1) 195 B.C.  Cf. Appian Hisp. 41;
(2) 396 B.C.  Cf. Polyaenus v.x. 2;
(3) 203 B.C.  Cf. Livy xxx.4;
(4) The surname Superbus, here given as Tarquinus Priscus, the father, is usually only applied to his son, the last Roman king.
(5) Cf. Livy i. 54; Val. Max. Vii. iv. 2 Herod. v.92 tells the same story of Periander and Thrasybulus;
(6) Alexandria;
(7) 48 b.c. Cf. Appian C. ii 89;

(To Be Continued)

Reference:
Frontinius, C.E. Bennet Trans. M.B. McElwain Ed., "The Stratagems," Harvard University Press, Cambridge , Mass / London, 1997, pp 8-10 (ISBN 0-674-99192-3)

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Ethics in Everyday Life
Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

The origin of ethics is in everyday life, and as a result it would probably be a mistake to consign the subject to mere "Academic" study.  In all people who are of a reflective nature, there are situations or contradictions which must be sorted out, and in that way, everyone becomes to some small extent a philosopher. 

Let us take the example of a person who strongly believes that human life is a precious thing, and the taking of such a life is wrong.  This person also however, believes that he or she has the obligation to defend one's nation against the threat of foreign invaders.  With the individual's country at war, what course should that individual pursue??  Shall the individual refuse to fight for the country of his/her birth and thereby become guilty in his / her own mind of the obligation to do so????  Or, shall the individual take up arms to fulfill this above obligation with the almost certain knowledge that in the nature of doing so, there is the distinct possibility of the taking of a human life in violation of a strongly held belief????

This is the kind of individual ethics from which raw material, the overall study of ethics, is constructed.  While the individual struggles with his personal views the philosopher tries to generalize in similar problems but in a larger and broader sense..  In this broader sense then the question of Philosophical Ethics is not how this above individual shall direct his / her path, but rather what is the "good life" for all, for what goal should all strive to meet, and answer the questions is the result the accumulation of pleasure?? is it happiness??

Today, I found myself in a real question of individual ethics.  I am the Chairman of the local Zoning Board of Appeals (a town commission which authorizes relief from town regulations for citizens with a bonafide hardship)..  On my return from my vacation I found that one of the townspeople had been the victim of a construction company's error, and as a result the individual had applied for a variance to a specific town regulation regarding the distance required from the front of the new building (his home) to the centerline of a town street.  In a site-walk today, I spoke at length with the individual and surveyed the situation first-hand.  Then taking my leave I spoke with the Vice-Chairman of the town Zoning Board who indicated tome that as far as the zoning Board was concerned, the house in question violated the law, and if the variance requested was approved by my commission the town regulation would be rendered useless by this precedent.  It is clear to me that the construction company has made an error in this man's home construction, and by this right he deserves the consideration of an approved variance.  However, by the same token, he law is clear, and the house location is in violation.  The conflict between the home-owner and the company is strictly a civil matter which does not affect the law.  The hardship claimed by the home-owner is a valid one for commission approval, however the variance approval will render the regulation meaningless by this precedent.  So, the conflict in my mind is what is my ethical duty toward the home-owner who has a legitimate concern, and toward the town and it's regulations, which I am sworn to uphold.

This then is a second example of a problem in individual ethics.  In consideration of the first basic idea of classical theory (Platonism) which states:

"It is generally assumed in classical theories that if we know what the "good life" (*) is, we will naturally act in such a way as to try to achieve it."

(*) Plato refers to - what is right - as the "Good."

Although Plato has never actually given the above belief as his own, for this exercise we will assume that the Socrates position is Plato's own as well.

According to this idea, "Evil, is due to a lack of knowledge."  Plato then believes that if individuals can simply discover what is right, then they will never act "wickedly" (ethically wrong."  Obviously then the key is to determine what knowledge is required to make the right decision.  However, this view presents the problem of how does one find the true knowledge one needs , when individuals differ to such an extent in regard to their opinions and beliefs regarding the "good life."

In response to this question Plato says, "finding the nature of the good life is an intellectual task very similar to the discovery of mathematical truths."

At this point we will leave this subject for the next item in this series which will deal with the question of how the knowledge for the "good" life is gained, and what that knowledge brings to the individual in the view of Plato.

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Roman Foodstuffs
Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

Legumes (Pulses)

These crops were not popular food in Roman times , their use being regulated to the poorer citizens and as feed for animals.  Pliny and Columella both spoke of pulses as a bulk product, rather than one to be grown in a private garden.  Some noble Roman families took their names from the pulses cultivated by their ancestors such as:

--Cicero Family from the "cicer" (chickpea);
--Lentula Family from the "lens" (lentil);
--Fabii Family from the "faba" (Broad Bean).

This hesitation in human consumption perhaps has some basis from the fact that some people have allergies to this kind of food.  While they were not a primary food source in the Roman world, they do have a long history of cultivation and usage around the world.  World-wide about twenty species of pulse food plants have been identified, but only a restricted number were in major usage in the Mediterranean area.  The edible portion of this plant was the seed sometimes known as the lentil, pea or bean.  Our first Legume under consideration is the broad bean (Vicia faba) which probably originated in the Near East during the Neolithic Period.  It's usage was expanded from there toward India, into Africa via the Nile River, and along the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea.  It may have been suspected, as first mentioned, that these foods had toxic effects on humans.  Certainly Favism, a disruptive ailment which affected humans and could cause both jaundice and anemia were present in some people because of the consumption of the broad bean.

Pliny writes (Plin. N.H. XVIII-xxx) that the Broad Bean occupied the highest place among the pulses.  Broad beans were ground into flour and the flour was used to make both bread and bisquits.  There was also a "puls fabata" (broad bean sou which was sacred and offered to the gods.  Pythagoras forbade his followers to eat broad beans.  Pliny says the reason for this was that broad beans were thought to be soporific.  Other people thought that Pythagoras believed that the human soul resided in the Broad Bean -- he spoke of a kind of reincarnation in which the soul did not always dwell in a human but sometimes in an anmal or plant.

There was also the "Lemuria," which as an ancient Roman ritual to rid the family of "lemures" (ground spirits) or ghosts.  During "lemuria" the master of the house must arise from bed at midnight to banish these spirits.  He had to walk barefoot through the house with his thumb between his second and third fingers, throwing away from him nine black broad beans.  With each bean thrown he recited the following--

"Haec ego mitto his, redimo meque meosque fabis" ("This I throw .  With these beans I redeem myself and my family."), The nine times he asked the ghosts to leave --

"Manes exite patrni." ("Ghosts of my fathers, be off!").  Only then cold the master investigate to be sure that the house was now free of the spirits to whom he had thrown the beans. (Ov. Fasti V-435).

Broad Beans were normally served raw and skinned in salads with herbs and often fresh cheese.  Dried or unskinned beans were always cooked (usually boiled).

 Similarly the small pea from a rather hardy Vetch plant (Lathyrus sativus) was known to Hippocrates (469-399 BC) as causing the paralytic disease lathyrism as a result over overconsumption of this vegetable

The pea (Pisum sativum) is also a legume that was mentioned by both Roman and Greek authors.  This vegetable can also be traced to Neolithic Period.  This legume was not particularly popular either.  When utilized it ws normally prepared from a dried form by boiling and then combined with other foods with significant flavors of their own such as leeks, pepper, sausages, birds and eggs.

Lentils were also known , but as an Egyptian Food plant.  Like other pulses the lentil was boiled and flavored with chestnuts and mussels or used by themselves with an accompaniment of some additional flavoring agent as listed above.  Legumes ae a very good source of nutrition, but were thought of around the Mediterranean as "poor man's food.

References:
--Don Brothwell, "Foodstuffs, Cooking, and Drugs," ---"Civilization of the Ancient Mediterranean -- Greece and Rome," M. Grant & R. Kitzinger, Eds.
--Patrick Faas, "Around the Roman Table"

Broad Bean Vitellius

"Pisam vitellianam sive fabam: pisam coques, lias.  Teres piper, ligusticum, zingiber et supercondimentia mittisvitella ovorum, qae duracoxeris, mellis unc. iii, liquamen, vinum et actum.  Haec omni mittis in caccabum et condimenta quae trivisti.  Adiecti oleo ponis ut ferveat, condies piam, lias, si aspera fuerit.  Mel mittis st inferes."

Peas or broad beans 'a la Vitellius: coo th peas , stir.  Crush pepper, lovage, ginger, and to these add hard boiled egg yolks, 81g honey, wine and vinegar.  Put this into a pot with the crushed spices.  Add oil and bring to a boil.  Season the peas as necessary.  Add honey and serve.  (Ap. 197)

--500g dried broad beans soaked and peeled;
--2 tablespoons salt or "garum" to taste;
--1/2 teaspoon of lovage seed;
--1 teaspoon peppercorns;
--2 tablespoons freshly grated ginger;
--2 tablespoons honey;
--3 tablespoons vinegar;
--6 Tablespoons virgin olive oil;
--4 hardboiled egg yolks;
--100 ml white wine;
--50 g (a sprig) of fresh coriander

Wash the beans in several changes of water, then leave them to soak overnight.  Then put them into a saucepan and bring them to a boil.  Do not add salt Pliny writes: "in seawater or salt water they will not cook through."  (Plin. N.H. XVIII-xxx)

And he is right.  Slt extracts the moisture and helps fresh vegetables to cook, bt dried pulses toughen.  Seasonings are added only when the beans are soft.  During cooking skim off any scum that rises.  The beans will be read after about 20 minutes.

Now make the sauce.  Grind the lovage to a fine powder, then grind in the peppercorns.  Mix the ginger with the honey, pepper, and lovage, the vinegar and the oil.  Then add the egg yolks, mash them in and stir in the wine.  Add this mixture to the beans, stir and leave to stand for a few hours so that the flavors combine.  This dish is usually served cold, but it can be warmed in the oven, or as Apicius suggests, fried with olive oil.  The coriander should be added just before serving.

Reference:
Patrick Faas, "Around the Roman Table; Food and Feasting in Ancient Rome."

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Philosophy
Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

Ladies and Gentlemen of Nova Roma;

I am a bit out of place here (NovaRomaPhilosophy@yahoogroups.com)as I have never studied even basic philosophy, so much of what is said here using "big" words passes me by, which is unfortunate, but predictable for a person with a limited education.  However, what I do understand, I enjoy.  So much so, that it seemed like a good topic to share with you. 

I have been offered some on-line instruction on the topic, by one who knows the subject far better than I .  So , I am with that promise forthcoming, I will be forced to go back to Master Webster and his marvelous book on definitions in order to better understand what is going on here in this place:

============================

"----Philosophy --literally the love of wisdom; in actual usage, the science which investigates the facts and principles of reality, and of human nature and conduct.  The science which comprises logic, ethics, aesthetics, metaphysics, and the theory of knowledge.

2. A body of philosophical principles; esp., the body of principles underlying a given branch of learning, or major discipline, a religious system, a human activity, or the like; as; the philosophy of history, Christianity, or of business.

3. Practical or moral wisdom; ethics;

4. Calmness of temper, and judgment as befitting a philosopher; mental serenity.---"

==========================

Since I am probably in need of a little bit of #4, I suppose that is why this topic is so fascinating to me.  I had previously discussed "The Art of War" by Sun Tzu an ancient Chinese general, whose works and comments are also very effectively utilized in business as well.  Since "business" is covered in the above definition, I feel better already, and certainly. to me at least, there is an Art To War, and it certainly qualifies as a human activity for reasons both great and small.

These comments will also be made a part of the April issue of the "Roman Times Quarterly" and I will be pleased to follow up on my basic attempts to determine just what philosophy is, and once that is completed begin to delve very basically into the major philosophies of the Roman world.  I would ask that others on this net not concern themselves with me, as I am learning in my own way, without a text or reference, so please continue the discussions on your levels of expertise in the areas of the different Roman Philosophies while I set those levels as a goal for myself

I am also very interested in the terms of logic and ethics, as a part of the study of philosophy, so let us investigate again what Webster in his wisdom tells us about these two words:

===========================

Ethics--1. A treatise on morals.  2. The science of moral values and duties; the study of ideal human character, actions and ends.  3. Moral principles, quality, or character.

Logic--1. The science that deals with the canons and criteria of validity in thought and demonstration; the science of the formal principles of reasoning.  2. A treatise o this science; the methodology or formal principles of any branch of knowledge; as the "logic" of art.  3. Reasoning, esp. sound reasoning; also ironically, whatever convinces or make argument uselss; as, artillery has been called the "logic" of kings.  4. Connection, as of facts , in a rational way; as, by the "logic" of events, anarchy leads to tyranny.

===========================

Hmmmm!!  Well, I am pleased with my education so far, and I am eager to dig a little deeper into these mysteries and the ways in which different men and women bring the above items together in different patterns of belief and determination.  

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Dams (cont'd)
Marcus Minucius-Tiberius Audens

In the Roman period the analysis of the forces acting upon a dam by mathematics was not known to Roman engineers, and so the dam designs in use for this period were a combination of a variety of inputs (experience, intuition, and proven construction practice and procedures).

The first necessity for the construction of a dam was to select the best spot for it.  This site had to be chosen to include a base strata which would bear a very heavy load.  In this period probably the best selection that could be made was a rock base.  By far the most important aspect of dam stability is the excavation down to a solid base.  The second important item is the bonding ability that this selected strata will have with the dam materials.

The next task was to determine is how high the dam should be.  This determination requires an accurate survey of the region in the area of the proposed dam site.  Two main variables had to be considered by the engineers for this project.  The first being:

--The extent of the proposed hydraulic system;
--and the second being the height of the dam.

Most of the hydraulic systems of this period were gravity systems.  This idea of the system size leading to a determination of dam height was in it's turn governed by several factors:

--Local hydraulic conditions;
--Topography;
--Safety;
--Available materials for construction.

From these aspects the engineers, as they are today, were forced to select some compromise between these considerations and possibilities.  Reviewing dam archaeology we find indications that water -raising machines were erected close to these ancient dams.  It would seem that these machines had some involvement in the planning related to the whole hydraulic system.  Further investigation of this aspect has yet to be undertaken, however, it would be supposed that water-lifting devices would be utilized to move the water from behind the dam into specific areas too small to be serviced by a canal system.

Moving now to the construction materials needed for the dam, these would be determined partially by availability and partially by the decided upon dam design.  Earth dams were in common use and they are quite satisfactory for a variety of situations, and different kinds of service.  However, dirt dams have also certain requirements:

--They must contain within them a core of clay (or some other material which opposes water seepage;
--Also they must have a significant overflow capacity related directly to the hydraulic system under consideration.

A dirt dam is not suitable in most cases as a high dam, and if the crest of the dam is intended as the overflow channel the dirt would be quickly washed away by raging waters.  In areas where stone or similar materials are not available, a dirt dam will serve satisfactorily to store and divert water into irrigation channels or canal systems.  However, the importation of stone would have been cost-prohibitive in most cases where dirt dams were used.

In areas where higher dams were needed construction style often took the form of two masonry walls similar to Roman city walls with a softer filler in between like dirt or rubble or a combination of the two.  If the dam was to be designed to discharge the overflow water from it's crest, then the dam would have had to be of stone or masonry construction.

(To be continued)

References;
Donald Hill, "A History of Engineering In Classical and Medieval Times," Open Court Pub., LaSalle, Ill. 1984, pp. 47-57 (ISBN 0-87548-422-0) 

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